BY JUAN VíCTOR FAJARDO GóMEZ

In print | Published December 6, 2007

Last Sunday, Venezuelans were summoned to the voting urns and asked whether or not they supported the constitutional reform put forth by President Chavez. It included a total of 69 changes to articles in the current constitution (written by Chavez himself in 1999), among which the following two stood out: an extension of the presidential term from five to seven years as well as the possibility of immediate and indefinite reelection, and the dilution of the Central Bank’s autonomy from the branches of government. Both of the suggested changes are incompatible with the current system of government in Venezuela and involve a fundamental change in the structure of government.

At about 1:30 a.m. on Monday, the pertinent electoral institution announced a partial report of the results. They read as follows: with a 44 percent abstention rate, the constitutional reform received 49.29 percent of the votes in favor and 50.70 percent of the votes in opposition. The proposed reform was turned down by a difference of less than 200,000 votes.

The result is certainly comforting. A radical reform like the one proposed is not necessarily a bad idea for a democratic nation, but in practice, the changes would have been irreversible. As shown by the electoral results, the Venezuelan society is almost divided into two perfect and deeply polarized halves. In a situation of such polarization, and with an unusually high abstention rate, a shift of this magnitude would have forced half of the population to live under a system of government with which they didn’t agree.

The victory of the opposition is important not only because of its outcome but because it is a victory for a weakened and questioned democratic system. In a way it is a legitimization of democracy in Venezuela and of Chavez’s status as democratic leader. The actuality of either of these implications is, in fact, not the most important question to have in mind. The aspect most worthy of contemplation is the impact of this unprecedented electoral defeat for Chavez on the concept of citizenship in Venezuela.

Even though the act of voting is often seen as the ultimate expression of the democratic citizen, in Venezuela we are challenging that paradigm. Chavez, the opposition and the Venezuelan constituents are more than ever aware of the fact that Chavez’s will can be both at odds with and overruled by the will of the people. The fact that less than 200,000 voters saved the country from what would have been an institutionalized polarization of Venezuela makes every citizen realize the potential they have to decide what future they want or, in this case, don’t want, for the country.

For that reason, the ultimate expression of the democratic citizen in Venezuela is more profound. Venezuelan constituents have awoken from a stupor of political indifference and now live and breathe an opinionated and heartfelt political life. The true democratic citizens are on the streets voicing and fighting for what they believe in. If there is something that we, Venezuelans, need to thank Chavez for, it is this rediscovered sense of patriotism and nationalism.

For those of us who live this new democratic experience in Venezuela from what is practically academic exile in the north, it is important to find refuge from political inactivity in expressing these thoughts with the people around us. Chavez is a man who has impacted my country in many ways and that will be in power for at least five more years. The challenge for us is to regain control of the helm, harness his power and redirect the nation toward a future of reconciliation.

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